Today Putin (VVP) was quoted widely as saying the Ukrainian army was a "NATO foreign legion", attempting to deride the Kiev gov't as the illegitimate invention of western powers, "foreign" to an area rightfully under Russian control . Of course, Putin's aim is to install just such a government, subservient to him.
Poroshenko enjoys legitimacy that VVP will never have: he was elected democratically, carrying all regions. But VVP's statement does signal a new phase in the hostilities: Ukraine's war of independence from Putin's Russian Empire.
Identical to the American revolution in nature, there are several key distinctions:
1- The proximity of the Empire.
2- The backwards unwinding of events: 1st UA was a state fighting an insurgency, then fighting a proxy of an imperialist state. Now, fighting the VVP Empire for independence.
3- Loyalists and their dispersal. In the American revolution, these fled in hope of returning. Some were driven out. Others were brutalized, tarred and feathered. Barbaric times. Some remained, serving as spies.
In this case, civilians remaining in place in theatre are "loyalists" to the Empire. The reality of any real loyalty is questionable. Ideally, remaining civilians should be evacuated in a controlled way such that it is clear their freedom is a gift of the country fighting for independence. The Empire has amply demonstrated their disregard for these civilians.
4- Finally, the nature of the Empire is different.
But how does one win such a war? Not first by massive artillery. Not first by columns of armor. But by first simply realizing the disposable soldiers of the Empire only want to go home, and that their leaders must achieve goals or be disgraced. For the most part, they are functionaries of the Empire who would prefer to end the conflict . There is a sociopathic element that would prefer to stay and brutalize, which pose problems for the Imperial organization.,
Most, however, are disposable soldiers preferring to avoid disposal.
The more often they can be given the illusion the conflict's end is right around the corner, and then have another corner appear, the better. Every opportunity should be made at various levels to appear to be *almost* ready to give VVP what he wants, then to pull back. Ukrainian soldiers are already home, they can rotate in and out.
So, Ukraine should use intelligence, knowing what goals should be thwarted. Knowing the Imperial troops morale, their leaders' styles. Knowing which supply lines should be cut when. Allowing them in, and cutting them off. Reminding the Imperial troops they are disposable by dropping leaflets or broadcasting messages.
Also, by not matching Imperial tactics. British soldiers fought in ranks, the Americans tried that and failed. Then they shot from concealment and avoided concentrated formations, inflicted damage then dissipated, preferring to harry rather than confront continually. This was an outrage in the eyes of Imperial military leaders, but it showed the revolutionaries' resolve.
So, if the Empire likes to fight with artillery, let them get close, capture a few. This leaves the others fearing they'll never get home. If they like armor, fight with fire, with traps and mines. If they like aircraft, anti aircraft, appeal for help. The use of aircraft will be a major escalation for which a Lafayette style assist is needed. For Britain, the escalation of using naval bombardment was something of miscalculation, because it was deemed unseemly of such an empire by rival peers.
Putin has miscalculated in his rhetoric, indicating Ukraine is an "internal affair". Why? Because if this is so, he demonstrates how he has no hesitation in killing "internal imperial subjects". Two things occur: cowardly sycophants cling to him, adding nothing substantive, while resourceful, independent thinkers find a way to abandon the Empire and seen the discourse they need to maintain their sanity.
The empire's proximity ito the nation seeking independence is what it is. This is good and bad. Imperial troop movements facilitated by the proximity, but also can be readily tracked. While the British had to reinforce from across an ocean, bordering Canada was also a staging area, so this is similar.
The nature of the Empire is that it is ruled by a tyrant who has a particular goal but who also needs to demonstrate progress to his support network. An important note, for the majority of it's history this empire's rulers have died under questionable circumstances. In addition, it was often the case that succession had not been established and factions would form.
In terms of the Empire's operational doctrine, changes in overall strategy are seen as backing down. Experience in fighting wars on multiple fronts is limited. Deception and disinformation on several levels introduces complexity. These are significant weaknesses.
If "revanchist leaders" are reduced "kinetically" as a recent expert has said, then this empire indicates fertile ground for this type of occurrence happening more likely from within. The Empire is all too aware of this, and has increased the violent depression of dissent.
Maybe most importantly, in theatre, it seems that successes are gauged by holding territory. Demonstrating success to imperial subjects is emphasized in order to maintain order. The number of soldiers under arms in theatre and their ability to remain a cohesive force is not emphasized, because of the nature of this "masked"-war. What is important is the perception of their having control.
This leads to any disruption of the illusion of control within the area of claimed Imperial control as being a victory for the Revolutionary Ukrainians.
As it was in the American revolution, this is a terror campaign where the country attempting to gain independence is provided with demonstrations of the Empire's brutal intent in an attempt to achieve psychological impact and reduce revolutionary resolve.
During the American revolution, when Washington retreated tactically across a river and into the frontier for a time, this was a moment of control enjoyed by the Empire. The Continental Army was in a difficult situation. However, when Washington followed this retreat with a surprise raid on Trenton and captured a large German mercenary garrison, this was catastrophic for the Empire.
However, almost every imperial setback was downplayed, as the Empire had superiority in all respects. In effect, the American revolution was just as much a series of nuisances as battles for the Empire.
In Ukraine, although the Donetsk Airport Cyborg unit was overcome, the cost of this to the Empire was inordinate. As a result, there is no doubt in the Imperial disposable soldier's mind that the chances of going home are minimized as the effort goes forward. The Ukrainian unit also thwarted the Imperial leaders' goals. The outcome was disadvantageous, but the action provided a focal point for foreign attention and illustrated the brutality of the Empire and the disregard it has for the country and it's people. This was a clear demonstration of Ukraine's determination.
In the US revolution, the Imperial forces operated with impunity, except when they didn't, and when they didn't the revolutionaries would exact a price. Giving the Imperial leadership the illusion of being able to operate with impunity is key.
When a town is an an Imperial objective, there is no regard for that towns' residents, even though they may be ostensibly "loyalist" to the Empire. Unfortunately, the practice of attempting to match the Empire in artillery bombardment only induces casualties among the loyalists instead of inducing loyalists to switch sides.
An article has cited a previous Kremlin adviser as saying VVP wants to secure Ukraine as a satellite state before the end of 2015. In this light, every Imperial setback is amplified, where Ukrainian setbacks are expected and are temporary.
When the Empire chooses to install hard points, these should appear as unassailable. When the Empire chooses to move once across a route, they should be allowed to do so once or twice with confidence. When the Empire sees opportunities to attack in concentrated force, they should make these decisions with confidence. This way they are induced to commit concentrated resources to using routes that are not as safe as they seem. The disposable soldiers lose faith in their leaders, and their leaders fail to meet goals.
Another imperial weakness is that captured disposable soldiers will often not be reclaimed. They know that going home to a normal life is an unlikely option once neutralized by capture. In addition, wounded Imperial disposable soldiers place an inordinate burden on the Empire. A wounded regular officer even more so. As a result, when the Imperial force moves outside of their "loyalist" human shields, wounding multiples, capturing multiples is key.
If the civilian shields could be surreptitiously evacuated by night, then artillery could be used to great effect.
An interesting point is that the empire's irregulars and regulars are not unified. In the American revolution, this was actually a weakness of Revolutionary side, which used citizen soldiers. The British regulars could be very brutal to these if captured.
In Ukraine, the Imperial regular army leadership finds the irregulars tiresome. They are overt war criminals, undisciplined: a liability. These tensions are all areas where confusion can be sown.
Finally, regarding the nature of the Empire: all of the most important cities of the emerging American state were occupied by imperial soldiers to some extent. The restraint used was different, Americans were still subjects in the eyes if the Empire, but those that fought were treated cruelly if captured. Fewer Ukrainian cities are occupied, but little similar restraint is seem here. There is no concern for human suffering if it serves the goals of the Empire.
Addendum: while the conflicts may be similar, the empires in question are very different. A key core value of the British was the notion of a subject's rights. These notions not only carried over to the independent America, but sharing these values ensured rapprochement after independence: the Empire still could use viable trade with a like-minded partner.
This notion of citizen subject rights was also a key core value of the Roman Empire. Which makes the notion of Moscow as somehow being a 3rd Rome even stranger.